NI:1984 Delhi-and-around

Tuesday, February 27, 2007

Justice delayed, justice denied

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4141524.stm
Justice delayed, justice denied
By Renu Agal
BBC News, Delhi
Twenty years and nine investigations later, why have the people behind the anti-Sikh riots in the Indian capital, Delhi, not been brought to book and punished?

This question is again being asked after the latest investigation by a retired Supreme Court judge found that Congress leaders either incited or helped mobs to attack Sikhs.

The riots, in which more than 3,000 Sikhs died, were sparked by the assassination of then PM Indira Gandhi by Sikh bodyguards on 31 October 1984.

The resignation of Indian cabinet minister Jagdish Tytler, who was implicated in the riots, has not helped matters.

Nor has the resignation from a Delhi government position of Congress parliamentarian Sajjan Kumar - also named in the investigation report - placated the Sikhs, the opposition or the media.

Too little, too late

For the angry and hurt Sikh community and the outraged media, it is a classic case of too little, too late.

They are not wrong.

In the cases of many Congress leaders who could have been re-investigated it is too late.

Federal interior minister at the time of the riots and former prime minister PV Narasimha Rao is dead. A senior Congress leader named in the investigation HKL Bhagat is old and critically ill.

The then lieutenant governor of Delhi, PG Gavai, told a news channel recently that Mr Rao "hid like a rat" when the riots were taking place.

Jagdish Tytler
The resignation of Jagdish Tytler has not helped matters
There is now no way to determine whether this serious allegation is true.

This is the not the first time that politicians believed to be guilty of inciting or leading communal riots have literally gone scot-free.

Three years on, no one has been brought to justice over the Gujarat riots either.

More than 1,000 people, mostly Muslim, were killed. Independent groups have placed the figure closer to 2,000.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Gujarat administration, led by chief minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of doing little to prevent the bloodshed.

Investigations into the 1992 riots between Muslims and Hindus in Mumbai (Bombay) in which hundreds of people were killed have met a similar fate.

Partisan

This is despite the fact that the inquiry criticised the nationalist right-wing party, Shiv Sena, and its leader Balasaheb Thackeray for inciting the riots.

The report by a judicial commission also found the city's police were partisan and anti-Muslim.

Ayodhya is another case in point. Hundreds of people died in the violence which followed the destruction of the historic mosque there by Hindu militants in 1992. It was the trigger for the violence in Bombay.

BJP leader LK Advani is still facing charges that he incited Hindus to attack the mosque. He had a court appearance as recently as July 2005.

Why does justice reach a dead end in India while investigating such high-profile riots?

Criminals just followed the politicians - but 1984 made them realise people leading mobs and killing others could get elected
Lawyer Harvinder Singh Phoolka

Delhi-based lawyer KTS Tulsi says the way the ruling Congress party-led government has treated the latest inquiry into the 1984 riots is "shameful".

He says mere probability of complicity in a crime should be enough reason to launch a criminal investigation against a person.

The problem starts here.

The police and investigative agencies in most Indian states are heavily politicised and influenced by their political masters.

Complicity

Independent research has shown that riots in India usually happen with the complicity of police who either covertly participate or turn a blind eye to the violence.

Social worker Teesta Setalvad says the fallout from the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 1992 Mumbai riots prove this point.

"The latest inquiry into the 1984 riots named police officials. The Mumbai riots inquiry named 15 policemen for their involvement. But the governments failed to take any action against them."

Gujarat riots
The Gujarat riots of 2002 left at least 1,000 people dead
Delhi-based lawyer Harvinder Singh Phoolka, who fought many cases on behalf of the victims of the 1984 riots, says the incident was a watershed in Indian politics.

The riots, he says, showed the creeping criminalisation of Indian politics

''Before the 1984 riots, there were no criminals in politics. Criminals just followed the politicians. But 1984 made them realise people leading mobs and killing others could get elected and become leaders," says Mr Phoolka.

"So a way was opened for criminals to make politics a profession."

Analysts feel inquiry commissions are used by the state to delay action and protect politicians, policemen and civil servants.

They say the pussy-footing over the 1984 investigation by the ruling government proves that very little has changed.

'Cover-up'

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has apologised to the Sikhs and promised those named in the report will be investigated.

There is a feeling of deja-vu about this attempt to atone.

Congress chief Sonia Gandhi apologised for the 1984 riots over a decade ago and promised action.

No wonder the Sikhs are bitter and the media is sceptical.

The Asian Age summed the mood up in a front-page headline that simply said: "Mother of All Cover-Ups."

Newspapers are already talking about the need for something along the lines of South Africa's post-apartheid truth and reconciliation commission to unravel the truth and heal the wounds.

Because, as The Pioneer newspaper said, "justice delayed, also denied".

Dr. Sudip Minhas
Executive Director
Voices For Freedom
www.voicesforfreedom.org
info@voicesforfreedom.org



Share your photos with the people who matter at Yahoo! Canada Photos

Leaders 'incited' anti-Sikh riots

BBC News
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4130962.stm

An Indian government inquiry into the anti-Sikh riots in 1984 has said that some Congress party leaders incited mobs to attack Sikhs.

It found "credible evidence" against a current Congress minister, Jagdish Tytler, who denies any wrongdoing.

The riots, in which more than 3,000 Sikhs died, were sparked by the assassination of then PM Indira Gandhi by Sikh bodyguards on 31 October 1984.

This inquiry is the latest of nine that have looked into the riots.

It was begun in 2000 amid dissatisfaction, particularly among Sikhs, with previous investigations.

But the BBC's Sanjeev Srivastava in Delhi says this commission of inquiry has only added to the confusion and is unlikely to satisfy either the opposition parties or Sikh groups awaiting justice for more than two decades.

Further investigation

The 339-page inquiry report by former Supreme Court judge, GT Nanavati, was tabled in parliament on Monday.

[The report] practically exonerates most of the Congress leaders we had accused of leading the mobs. Nothing will happen to the big leaders
Gurdip Singh, victim's son

It said that recorded accounts from witnesses and victims of the rioting "indicate that local Congress leaders and workers had either incited or helped the mobs in attacking the Sikhs".

The investigation found "credible evidence" against current Congress minister for non-resident affairs, Jagdish Tytler, "to the effect that very probably he had a hand in organising attacks on Sikhs".

The inquiry recommended further investigation into Mr Tytler's role.

Mr Tytler on Monday denied any involvement, saying all previous commissions into the riots had failed to mention his name.

Lack of evidence

The investigation also found "credible evidence" against Congress politician, Dharam Das Shastri, in instigating an attack on Sikhs in his area.

It also recommended examination of some cases against another Congress leader, Sajjan Kumar, for his alleged involvement in the rioting.

Mr Kumar had been cleared of leading a mob by a sessions court in Delhi in 2002 because of lack of evidence.

The inquiry said there was "absolutely no evidence" suggesting that Mrs Gandhi's son, former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, or "any other high ranking Congress leader had suggested or organised attacks on Sikhs".

The report said that the police "remained passive and did not provide protection to the people" during the riots.

"There was a colossal failure of the maintenance of law and order," the report said.

Relatives of the victims of the riots who spoke to the BBC were sceptical about the investigation.

"What is the use of this report? It practically exonerates most of the Congress leaders we had accused of leading the mobs. Nothing will happen to the big leaders," said Gurdip Singh, whose father Harbhajan, was killed by the rioters.

Our correspondent, Sanjeev Srivastava, says the lack of evidence the report has found means the Congress government is unlikely to suffer much embarrassment.




The best gets better. See why everyone is raving about the All-new Yahoo! Mail.

Sunday, December 03, 2006

Anti-Sikh riot victim identifies accused

Anti-Sikh riot victim identifies accused
http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/001200612031143.htm
New Delhi, Dec. 3 (PTI): A victim of 1984 anti-Sikh riot, Harvinder Kaur, who lost her husband, son and son-in-law in the massacre, has identified five assailants before a city court and said that she was an eye-witness to the gory incident.
Standing by her affidavit, which was treated as complaint, before Additional Sessions Judge Rajinder Kumar, Kaur said the charge that her statement was "motivated" was wrong as around 150 rioters had stormed and torched the house in front of her.
Kaur, during her cross examination by accused's counsel, rubbished the claim that her complaint was false and was lodged at the insistence of others.
"It is wrong to suggest that I am deposing falsely, or I was not present at the place of incident of murder of my husband, son and son-in-law," she said.
Kaur also identified all the five accused who were present inside the courtroom and informed the judge that they were leading the violent mob which killed her husband Niranjan Singh, Head Constable of Delhi Police, 17-year-old son, Gurpal Singh, and son-in-law Mahender Singh.
Harjinder, Kaur's daughter who lost her husband in the riot in 1984 after the assassination of then prime minister Indira Gandhi, however identified two accused Ram Praksh Tiwari and Har Prasad Bhardwaj.
As per the prosecution, Kaur's husband Singh, who was then stationed at Shahdara railway station, was lynched and set ablaze by the rioters on November 1, 1984, a day after the assassination of Gandhi.
A day after this fateful incident, Kaur's son and son-in-law were killed by the mob led by the same accused.
The FIR in the case was lodged in 1996 when Kaur filed an affidavit with the Jain and Banerjee Committee constituted to look into the anti-Sikh riot cases.
She had alleged former Union Minister, H K L Bhagat, and five others - Harprasad Bhardwaj, Suraj Giri, Ram Prasad Tiwari, Jagdish Giri and the lone woman accused Kamlesh - were the persons who killed her dear ones in a riot at Mansarovar Park in east Delhi.
However, Bhagat was later discharged as the CBI could not produce sufficient evidence against him.
All the five have been booked under various sections including 302 (Murder) 395 (Dacoity), 436 (Burning Houses) and 147 (Rioting) of the IPC.

Monday, October 16, 2006

2006/10/16:Records burnt

http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=205525
’84 anti-Sikh riot records were destroyed: Cop

Press Trust of India

New Delhi, October 16:
A Delhi Police official, deposing in a 1984 anti-Sikh riot case, today informed a Delhi court that the Shahdara Police Station records, which contained entries of riot victim's complaints, were not available as the same have already been destroyed.
Constable Krishan Kumar, who in 1998 was the record keeper of the police station, informed Additional Sessions Judge Rajinder Kumar that the Dispatch and Complaint register of 1984 have already been destroyed by a departmental order.


Bride Groom 18 - 24 25 - 30 31 - 35 36 - 45 46 - 50 50+ Hindu - Assamese - Bengali - Gujarati - Hindi - Kannada - Malayalam - Marathi - Marwari - Oriya - Punjabi - Sindhi - Tamil - Telugu Muslim Christian Sikh Parsi Jain Buddhist Jewish Other No Religion Spiritual
"On November 26, 1998, I was posted as reader of the SHO, Investigation Officer of the present case, who has demanded dispatch and complaint register, but the same (records) had already been destroyed...," said Kumar.
On being asked about the content of the complaint of Harvinder Kaur, who lost her husband, son and son-in-law in the massacre, Kumar said, “I do not know the content of the complaint dated November 6, 1984.”
On being confronted whether the complaint, which was in the court records, was the same received by the police in 1984, Kumar said, “I can not confirm this fact due to want of original register....”

Thursday, October 05, 2006

2005/01/27: Entire Congress Party Is Not to Blame for 1984 Sikh Massacres

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_012705a.html

Entire Congress Party Is Not to Blame for 1984 Sikh Massacres By RAJDEEP SARDESAI N.D.T.V., Jan. 27, 2005
The Justice Nanavati report on the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 is ready and will be given to the Home Ministry next week. For more than two decades, the sepia-tinted images of the riots, have haunted the nation. But they haven't led to justice for the victims. The report of the commission could jog public memory once again. N.D.T.V. has learnt that the Commission will not directly indict the Congress party for its role in the violence. According to sources, the Commission feels that the violence was 'organised' and 'systematic' in several areas. But it maintains that the entire Congress party apparatus cannot be held responsible for the acts of individual politicians, hooligans, depraved people and local gangs. The report, according to sources, does not hold the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi directly responsible in any way for the failure to check the violence. 'How can a prime minister be held responsible for each and every action in a police station or a particular district of Delhi?' is the explanation being given. However, the role of another former prime minister, late Narasimha Rao, who was home minister at the time, has come under greater scrutiny. According to sources, the Commission feels that as home minister, Rao did not act quickly and decisively enough in controlling the law and order situation. There are also no adverse findings against two other union ministers: Kamal Nath and Jagdish Tytler, who deposed before the Commission. According to sources, the evidence brought against them was weak. But the Commission has found enough evidence from witnesses to recommend a re-investigation of cases against some party leaders. These include sitting Congress M.P. from outer Delhi, Sajjan Kumar, former union minister H.K.L. Bhagat and another former Delhi M.P., Dharamdas Shastri. Ironically, Kumar is the only active politician who could face embarrassment and even he has been acquitted by the Delhi High Court in one major case. The Commission is also likely to pass strictures against senior Delhi police officers at the time and recommend departmental inquiries against them. But here again, Commission sources maintain, 'you cannot blame the police as an institution for the failure of individual officers.' According to sources, the Commission's terms of reference do not allow it to pronounce on the guilt of anyone. It can only ask for re-investigation in those cases which the police filed as 'untraced' but where witnesses have now come forward to depose against individuals who were part of the mob. The other category is the cases where people were named by witnesses but not accused. The Commission received more than 10,000 affidavits and examined 197 witnesses. But there is a question mark over whether it has come any closer to providing real justice to the victims of the 1984 riots. Ironically, Justice Nanavati is also heading the commission appointed to inquire into the Gujarat riots. His report then might only then end up reviving the debate on whether inquiry commissions alone can ensure speedy and genuine justice to the victims of communal riots. Political reactions to the development reported by N.D.T.V. were muted. Kumar walked away when told he was one of the politicians against whom action had been recommended. The Congress has side stepped comments against individual leaders, but it says the report proves the B.J.P. launched a misleading campaign against the party. 'The B.J.P. campaign has been slanderous and this report exposes this,' says Anand Sharma, Congress spokesperson. It's the B.J.P. which is now reacting cautiously after accusing the Congress of orchestrating the anti-Sikh riots. The N.D.A. government had set up this commission in 2003. 'I don't think this conclusion is possible. All commissions of inquiry before this has blamed the Congress. We will officially react only after seeing the report,' says V.K. Malhotra, B.J.P. spokesperson. Over the last 20 years, a commission of inquiry and eight committees were set up to investigate the anti-Sikh riots. Officially, 2733 people were killed but only nine people, none of them Congress workers, have received life sentences. Only two Congress leaders, Sajjan Kumar and H.K.L. Bhagat, were indicted. But Kumar was acquitted by a lower court in 2002 and his case presently rests with the Delhi High Court. And Bhagat is now medically unfit and cannot make a statement.

2005/02/12: AMU the film: The Children of 1984

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_021205b.html

The Children of 1984 By SUDHANVA DESHPANDE Sudhanva Deshpande is an actor, director and playwright, and is a member of Jana Natya Manch, Delhi. Frontline, Feb. 12, 2005

The horrors of the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 are revisited in two recent feature films with pertinent questions about identities and memories. Retaliation is spelt in blood. When Indira Gandhi was shot dead by her two Sikh bodyguards, thousands of Sikhs had to pay with their lives and property in the pogrom that followed over the next few days in Delhi. That was in November 1984. When 58 kar sevaks [volunteers] were burnt alive in the Sabarmati Express at Godhra on February 27, 2002, thousands of Muslims had to pay with their lives and property in the pogrom that followed over the next several weeks. Eighteen years had passed, but little had changed. For 20 years, after the anti-Sikh riots of 1984, there has been a near-total silence in the field of arts around the events of that horrific November. To be sure, the artists Vivan Sundaram and Arpana Cour had done paintings in response to 1984, but those were exceptions. There has hardly been any representation of 1984 in poetry, fiction, drama, cinema, and even in the plastic arts. Indeed, there is very little visual documentation of the riots in terms of photographs and documentaries. The absence of documentaries is explained by the fact that video technology was quite expensive and cumbersome then, unlike today. The relative absence of photographs is more striking. The horrors of 1984 seemed to erupt suddenly, as if out of nowhere. On the other hand, the pogrom of Gujarat in 2002 has been extensively documented in documentaries (Final Solution, Godhra Tak, Passengers, and so on) and photographs, and the artist community has also responded to the pogrom vigorously. In Hindi, for instance, there are over 100 poems written directly in response to the carnage, some of them superb and enduring works, and no doubt there is writing to match in other languages. In theatre, more than half a dozen important plays mounted across the country responded to Gujarat riots in 2002. In Kolkota, Suman Mukhopadhyay brought together several groups to produce Mephisto, a tale of an actor who sells his soul to the Nazis; Kaushik Sen did Dushman No.1, an adaptation of Brecht's The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui; Usha Ganguly produced Kashinama, which showed the avarice and greed rampant in the holiest Hindu city of Banaras; in Delhi, Anuradha Kapur collaborated with Ein Lall on The Antigone Project, a reworking of Brecht's retelling of the Greek tragedy in the context of Gujarat; in Mumbai, Ashok Purang produced Bahut Raat Ho Chali Hai, the story of an ex-secular journalist and his artist ex-wife, under attack from the Hindutva hordes; Ramu Ramanathan wrote and directed Mahadevbhai, a one-person play that looks at the life of Gandhi's secretary; and Vikram Kapadia produced Black with Equal, a black comedy set in a Mumbai high rise. All these are proscenium plays; in street theatre, literally scores of plays have been evolved around the events of Gujarat 2002. Even Mumbai cinema responded in its own oblique way to the horror of Gujarat (Frontline November 19, 2004). After a silence of two decades, suddenly, there are two feature films about the horrors of 1984 - Sashi Kumar's Kaya Taran (Chrysalis) and Shonali Bose's Amu. There is more that is common about these two films, besides the subject matter and the timing. Both are debut films for their directors. Both directors are from professions that normally deal with facts, rather than fiction: Sashi Kumar is one of India's pioneering television journalists, while Shonali Bose is a documentary film-maker. Both directors are from communities that were not the victims of the 1984 riots: one is a Malayali and the other is a Bengali. Both were based in Delhi when the killings took place, but have subsequently relocated - Sashi Kumar moved to Chennai and Shonali Bose to the United States. What is most striking, however, is that both films are about the children of 1984, who, in 2002, as Gujarat riots erupts, break the silence in their own lives about the trauma of 18 years before. Based on writer N.S. Madhavan's Malayalam short story, When Big Trees Fall, the film Kaya Taran attempts to capture the essence of the Gujarat riots of 2002. At the press conference, addressed by survivors of Gujarat, there was a young reporter who was then sent to do a story on conversions. This takes him to Meerut convent for aged nuns. Bit by bit, the film also shows what happened here in 1984, when a Sikh woman and her eight-year-old son sought refuge as they ran from a violent mob. We learn, as the film goes on, that this child (the little Sikh lad) has grown up to become the young reporter. As one minority community is under attack, it is given refuge by another minority community. What makes the situation moving is that those who give refuge are themselves 'weak' and vulnerable - old nuns, eight of them, one blind, another wheelchair-bound, another surviving on pills, and so on. These sequences, in the Meerut convent, are the soul of the film, excellently shot, tender and moving. The nuns are vulnerable, but resourceful. They manage to smuggle out the boy and his mother by using a simple trick. The boy is smuggled out in a coffin, but not before his hair is cut. This is the reason why the young reporter is not turbaned. All eight nuns have performed like seasoned actors. The other remarkable performance is by Neelambari Bhattacharya as the young Sikh boy. Unlike most screen children, Neelambari is at ease in front of the camera and not at all precocious. Seema Biswas as the younger nun who looks after the old ones, is good as usual. She has the most expressive eyes, and knows how and when to use them. Angad Bedi as the reporter visiting his past is, however, below par. His awkwardness seems the awkwardness of an incompetent actor, rather than that of a character who has lived through a traumatic past. The film has a restrained quality to it, it looks inward, and poses questions about identities. Particularly, it underlines the fragility of religious identities, both in times of stress as well as 'normality.' While Kaya Taran begins with Gujarat, Amu ends with it. And while Kaya Taran approaches its theme from the side, as it were, and holds itself back emotionally, Amu confronts the 1984 riots frontally. It tells the story of Kaju, a non-resident Indian girl about 21 years old, who has been told that her mother, Keya, adopted her after her biological parents died in a malaria epidemic in a village in western Uttar Pradesh. Kaju is back in Delhi, and, in the company of boyfriend Kabir, discovers Delhi's teeming slums and Keya's lie about her past. What Amu does is to focus on our collective amnesia about the events of November 1984. This is achievement enough, of course. But what the film does brilliantly is to bring out how the amnesia, though collective, is differentiated. All the characters in the film want to forget 1984, but for different reasons. The rich, because they do not care about 1984 or anything else; ruling politicians, because it was they who led the mobs; officials of the state, because of their complicity in the riots; the middle class, because it is neither killer nor victim; and the poor, because they are both killers and victims. Everyone holds a secret, a dark, terrible secret, and everyone prefers that it remain a secret. It seems, even the Censor Board wants to remain silent. The film has been cleared with an A certificate, after some audio cuts. These cuts come in the scene where Kaju and Kabir meet a group of 1984 widows, who recount how ministers led rioters, while the police and the administration looked on. Rather than edit the scene out of the film, the director has chosen to retain it with the audio cuts. The result is that the now-silenced widows condemn the perpetrators of the killing with even more power and poignancy. Amu has some outstanding performances. Konkona Sen Sharma as Kaju confirms her status as the best young actor in Indian cinema today. She is completely believable as the N.R.I. girl in search of her roots. One would think she has spent a lifetime in the U.S. She is also quite clearly a master at picking up accents in her award-winning performance in Mr. and Mrs. Iyer. However, the truly outstanding performance in Amu is that by Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Brinda Karat as Keya. Television viewers know her as a person who is not only photogenic, but also strong, clear-headed, and articulate. In Amu, she brings all these qualities into her performance, and more. She is totally natural, passionate, sensitive and, as in the brief scene with her former lover Neel, subtle and nuanced. She gets a vulnerability in her portrayal of Keya that is actually quite rare, at any rate in Indian cinema: the vulnerability of an independent, strong woman. The relationship between Keya and Kaju is superbly etched, and both actors complement each other perfectly. The support cast is also good. A few are experienced actors, like Yashpal Sharma (Govind), Luvleen Mishra (Govind's wife), Rajendra Gupta (K.K.), but for most it is their first screen appearance, and they are all first rate: Ankur Khanna as a surly, introverted Kabir, Aparna Roy as the grandmother and Choiti Ghosh as Kaju's cousin Tuki. The early part of the film appears to meander a bit as it sets the context for what is to follow, but with Keya's return to India, it grips you totally. Director Shonali Bose builds up the suspense well, and then, as Kaju unravels one thread of the mystery after another, the film moves towards its denouement almost like a thriller. Bose has shot Delhi as few others have; the slum sequences, in particular, are absolutely authentic. She also shoots the riots very well - the violence is real without being voyeuristic, and the fear palpable. The sequences in Kaju's uncle's home capture the life of the probashi family just right. Amu is an important film, perhaps the most important Indian film of recent years. It is that rare film which combines a strong political statement with a powerful and moving story. It is also not without humour, something one normally does not expect in a film of this kind. For a long time, Indian cinema - Hindi cinema at any rate - stayed away from our contemporary history. Now, with films like Amu, Kaya Taran and Anurag Kashyap's Black Friday, a staged documentary account of the Bombay blasts of 1993, there is a serious effort to engage with our times, in our times. In Kaya Taran, in the end, the reporter reconciles himself to his past, regrows his hair, and puts on a patka [under-turban]. Since the film is really about identities, their fragility, and their visible markers, it is believed that it had to end with the boy facing up to his identity and accepting it. It is the way this is shown that makes one uncomfortable: in the Press Club, everything is treated with cynicism, the most weighty matters can become trivial. And that is exactly what happens with the born-again Sikh - his embracing his identity, with all its visual difference, seems facile rather than profound. The question with Amu's resolution is somewhat different. As Kaju starts unravelling the mystery about her past, she is faced with a terrible possibility, which she eventually discovers is not true. In an otherwise deeply disturbing film, this resolution of Kaju's own search is strangely, irrationally comforting, even though what she discovers is tragic enough. Because the possibility it opens up is almost unimaginably terrifying to face up to - that her parent is a killer. What makes Amu truly frightening is the realisation that this could so easily be true.

2005/02/12: The Truth About the 1984 Sikh Massacres

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_021205a.html

The Truth About the 1984 Sikh Massacres EDITORIAL The Indian Express, Feb. 12, 2005

The Congress government must place the Nanavati report in the public sphere. The victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh riots have been victimised twice by the Indian State. Whoever may have been responsible for the riots, the state failed to give the victims protection in any substantial measure. But their tragedy was compounded by the state's failure to bring the perpetrators of those gruesome crimes to justice. Very few convictions have been handed down in proportion to the scale of the horrors inflicted on that fateful day. The Ranganath Mishra Commission was given so narrow a mandate that it was unlikely to produce justice. The Nanavati Commission has finally submitted its report. Yet the state continues to repeat its pattern of evasion and procrastination. Although the home minister has suggested that the report will be made public at some point, the hesitation in doing so instantly does not speak well. The report must be made public immediately. The victims of the riots deserve at least this much good faith effort on their behalf. And it is a travesty that in a democracy making public reports on such vital issues is a matter of executive discretion. The contents of the report can be judged only when it is made fully public. There is something of an oddity in the fact that the home minister has been exercising his discretion already in discussing the report with the Congress president, Sonia Gandhi. Whether or not, or to what extent, Congress politicians are indicted in the report remains to be seen. But there is something of a conflict of interest at work in the whole situation. The very party whose members are the object of the report will now exercise the discretion to make it public. The only way to maintain propriety in such a situation would have been to make the report public instantly. The rest of the political class should also rise above narrow partisanship in the way it uses the report. Political parties should demand that the report be made public. They should, if need be, press for more investigations. But they should not lose the larger objective in sight. The point should not be to score facile political points, but to earnestly strive for truth and justice. They ought to remember that it is not the Congress party that is on trial. The whole nation is on trial on every measure of moral decency. Do we care about the victims? Are our institutions sources of justice? Does the state protect its minorities? How can we ensure that the horrors of 1984 do not re-surface as they have, indeed, done in Gujarat? The Nanavati Commission may not have all the answers. It may not even be convincing. But we owe it to the victims; we owe it to ourselves as a nation, to discuss these matters in full measure. Make the report public.

2005/02/23: Nanavati: 1984 Sikh Massacre Was Organised

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_022305b.html

Nanavati: 1984 Sikh Massacre Was Organised By KULDIP NAYAR Deccan Herald, Feb. 23, 2005
Riots were 'organised,' some Congressmen instigating the anti-social elements to 'target the Sikh community' without any 'meaningful intervention' by the police. This is the import of the report by former Supreme Court Judge G.T. Nanavati on the 1984 riots. Understandably, he is reluctant to reveal the contents of the report because the Home Ministry, to which he has submitted it, is yet to place it before Parliament. But he makes no secret of his unhappiness over the nexus that has formed between some Congressmen and the police. He describes one as exploitative and the other indisciplined. Nanavati's observations more or less confirm what some N.G.O.s had said in the pamphlet, Who Are the Guilty? published soon after the killings in Delhi. The pamphlet said that 'the attacks on members of the Sikh community in Delhi and its suburbs during the period, far from being a spontaneous expression of 'madness' and of popular 'grief and anger' at Mrs. (Indira) Gandhi's assassination as made out to be by the authorities, were the outcome of a well-organised plan marked by acts of both deliberate commissions and omissions by important politicians of the Congress (I) at the top and by the authorities in the administration.' Nanavati believes what happened in Delhi can happen anywhere in India and at anytime because the police knows no limits and politicians no norms of behaviour. 'I have seen the same pattern in Gujarat' where he is currently investigating into the rioting which had made Muslims as the target. He sees many similarities between the happenings in Delhi and Gujarat and he has no good word, either for the politicians or the authorities. 'The army was late to arrive,' says Nanavati. It was not familiar with Delhi and hence took some time to get acquainted with the different localities. To begin with, according to Nanavati, the army wanted to go only into the two areas that were adjacent to the Cantonment. However, he does not comment on the allegation that the government had purposely delayed the induction of the army. He is particularly harsh on the prosecuting agency. 'There should be something like the National Prosecuting Agency for the country' so that prosecution is independent, without any outside pressure. Nanavati has no hesitation in saying that the authorities were not obeying instructions from above. 'I have seen the orders issued by the top but there was no implementation.' This is, indeed, a serious charge which suggests that the authorities, particularly the police, had become itself a mob, without any check or control. Connivance is bad enough but participation is something horrendous to contemplate in a democratic society. When it comes to action against the guilty, Nanavati expresses helplessness. After 20 years, he says, there was no concrete evidence to pursue, nothing to bring the killers to book. Still he has named four, five Congressmen, including a member of Parliament. Nanavati opened five or six cases from the many the police had closed but gave up because he found it to be a wild goose chase. Two or three cases were going on in the court against some police officials, he says. Apparently, he had not gone beyond. Nanavati's report says that the first incident took place around 2.30 pm on October 31, 1984 in the neighbourhood of All India Institute of Medical Sciences when some Sikhs were dragged out from their vehicles. The then President Zail Singh's motorcade was stoned around 5 p.m. Hell broke the following day, according to Nanavati. He is of the view that the fury lasted for one day, although some stray incidents took place subsequently. This is contrary to the general belief that the rioting continued for three days. Nanavati admits that he is conscious of 'limitations' in the report. To pick up the thread two decades later was not easy. Many people had died in the meantime and the court had given its verdict on several cases. Still he had done his best. 'I have not tried to whitewash anything. The report has to be read in its entirety to know where the blame lay,' says Nanavati. 'Some in the media were unfair to me because what was used as a leak was partly concocted and partly torn out of context.' He takes the credit for suggesting two steps for the rehabilitation of victims and their families. One recommendation is to pay the same compensation in other parts of India as has been done in Delhi Rs. 3.5 lakh [1 lakh = 100,000] for every person killed. The second is to ask the government to provide a job to the son or any other person of the family which lost its breadwinner. I wish the Nanavati Commission had gone beyond the rioting. I had something else in mind when I raised the demand in the Rajya Sabha for another commission. I wanted something on the lines of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission appointed by South Africa to go over the period of apartheid. The whites were asked to confess what they did and were promised that no action would be taken against them. Many came forward and told the truth. For example, one said that he tried to kill Nelson Mandela. Had New Delhi gone about the same way, some from among the politicians and authorities might have come forward to tell the truth. We would not have been clueless as we are today even after several inquiry reports. Probably, our laws do not permit this. Even then, the commission's terms of reference should have been different. None expected any new evidence or something clinching to get at the guilty. Nanavati was also for a similar commission. He says that he tried to pursue the same path but did not succeed in his efforts. 'I asked many witnesses and others who appeared before me to rise above politics. But it looks as if I did not succeed.' (The Sikh Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee was keen on finding the culprits and hanging them. It was not willing to condone their guilt even if they were to come out with the truth.) Still we have the right to know why those who indulged in the rioting did so and how 'the organised' killing came to be planned and executed. The pattern in Delhi and elsewhere was the same: looting and burning the property and then setting it on fire and even killing or burning the owners and occupants along. The report, I am afraid, may not satisfy the Sikh community that has been wronged. But then even the most critical report cannot heal the wounds. Yet the government owes an explanation to the Sikhs or, more so, to the country. Let the prime minister say in Parliament at the next session that however limited the Nanavati report, the government seeks forgiveness from the nation and the victimised community. This will be statesmanship even though it may not serve the calls of politics.

2005/09/02: Yet Another Panel for Victims

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_090205a.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: Yet Another Panel for Victims By STAFF The Indian Express, New Delhi, Sep. 2, 2005

The Delhi Minorities Commission (D.M.C.) has decided to set up a 15-member committee of lawyers and eminent citizens to help riot victims claim relief from the Centre. This decision comes in the wake of the Central Government's decision to provide help to 1984 victims. Commission Chairman, Prof. Abu Baker said the Minorities Commission would be headed by Advocate K.T.S. Tulsi, who fought the Uphaar case on behalf of the fire victims. 'We would provide free legal assistance to victims to fight their case in courts. Our motive is to help victims who are poor and ignorant,' says Baker. 'We will teach them to fill up forms and fight for themselves.' The facilitative committee would begin operations by organising camps in various Sikh settlement areas in Delhi. The first contact with victims would be at these camps, Baker said. Many law students have opted to volunteer in the committee, he said. The commission is now planning to approach the Central and State governments and offer its services as a nodal agency for disbursement of relief to victims.

2005/05/16: Five Sentenced to Life in 1984 Sikh Massacres Case

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_051605a.html

Five Sentenced to Life in 1984 Sikh Massacres Case By STAFF P.T.I., New Delhi, May 16, 2005

More than two decades after five persons burnt to death a man during the anti-Sikh riots that rocked the capital following the assassination of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, a Delhi court today sentenced all of them to life imprisonment. Additional Sessions Judge N.K. Kaushik, found Rajinder, Pyarelal, Dharam Pal, Rajbir and Barumal guilty under Section 302 of I.P.C. (murder) for killing one Baba Singh by setting him ablaze after pouring kerosene. The incident took place on November 1, 1984 when the five dragged the deceased out of his home in Nangloi in West Delhi into the street, poured kerosene on him and set him ablaze. An F.I.R. in the case was lodged only on July 2, 1996, when the widow of the deceased, Kuldeep Kaur, approached the Lt. Governor after running pillar to post demanding justice for 12 years. Nearly 2,000 Sikhs were killed in the riots that broke out immediately after the assassination of Indira Gandhi.

2005/08/09: Mother of All Cover-ups

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_080905b.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: Mother of All Cover-ups By SEEMA MUSTAFA The Asian Age, New Delhi, Aug. 9, 2005

The Nanavati Commission report, which has failed to fix responsibility for the 1984 anti-Sikh violence, has involuntarily disclosed what can be described as one of the most elaborate cover-up exercises undertaken by successive Central governments for the past 20 years. Nine inquiries later, the Sikhs demanding justice are no closer to fixing responsibility on specific leaders and officers, many of whom have been exonerated in criminal cases because of 'lack of evidence.' The Nanavati Commission itself received 2,557 affidavits naming Congress leaders for inciting and leading mobs in Delhi during those days. It recorded interviews with 89 persons, including journalists, Army officers, police officers and eminent persons who had either witnessed the violence, or tried to knock at the government's door for action at the time. Much of this evidence is included in the report, but even so Justice Nanavati took the view that the violence was not systematically organised by the Congress party, that just a few of the Congress leaders named were involved, and that it was actually the police that had failed to do its duty. The earlier commissions of inquiry had also preferred to hold the police and the administration responsible for the deaths of 2,733 Sikhs (unofficially 4,000) and had remained reluctant to pin the blame on the politicians. But even here the commissions remained unsuccessful in bringing erring police personnel to book. Committees under a retired secretary, Kusum Latta Mittal, and another under Justice J.D. Jain and Mr. D.K. Agrawal, had identified 72 and 90 police officials respectively for action. No action was taken against 42 officials because they were either dead or retired. The ministry of home affairs exonerated five of the eight cases of police officers it dealt with as charges against them could not be substantiated. Of the other three officers, one was 'punished' with a 30 per cent cut in his pension for five years, which is long since over, another was not served with a final order, and the third got a stay from the Central Administrative Tribunal. The Delhi government processed the cases of the remaining 97 officers. Again, no action was taken against 29 officers as they were either dead or retired. No action was initiated against nine others as they were already facing inquiries. Finally, only about 22 criminal cases were registered against the remaining 72 police officers. Till date most of these cases are gathering dust with the noting 'filed untraced' against their names. Others have been acquitted, four are still pending trial and only one, Amir Khan, A.S.I., has been convicted. Of the total of 587 F.I.R.s filed in Delhi during the time, 11 were quashed, three had the proceedings withdrawn, 241 were filed as untraced, 253 were acquitted, and 11 were discharged. Only 25 of the total were convicted, one is still pending investigation, and 42 are pending trial. The Nanavati Commission, while dedicating several pages to police inaction, has taken the view that 'as appropriate actions were initiated against them, the Commission thought it fit not to recommend any further action against them.' It further claimed that it was difficult to make recommendations against many of those named by the witnesses simply because the statements were poorly recorded, or F.I.R.s improperly registered. However, the Nanavati Commission has given a clean chit to the Congress party, maintaining there was 'absolutely no evidence' to suggest the involvement of senior Congress leaders, and 'whatever acts were done were done by local Congress (I) leaders and workers, and they appear to have done so for purely personal reasons.' On many of these leaders, against whom it has found 'credible evidence,' the Nanavati Commission has surprisingly taken the view that 'as they have been acquitted in the criminal cases filed against them, the Commission does not recommend any further action against them.' Mr. H.K.L. Bhagat also falls in this particular category because of 'his physical and mental condition.' In fact, the only leaders that the commission speaks out against are Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar, Dharam Dass Shastri (who is dead) and one Balwan Khokhar, against whom it has found credible evidence of involvement. The commission is of the view that these leaders were 'probably involved.' Here the government has come to their rescue with the Action Taken Report making it very apparent that the home ministry has found no reason to take action against these leaders. And the case, as far as the government is concerned, is closed.

2005/08/09: Ten Commissions

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_080905a.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: Ten Commissions, Panels By R. SURYAMURTHY
The following list excludes the N.G.O. commissions, for example those set up under Dr. Rajni Kothari, former Supreme Court Justice V.M. Tarkunde, and former Supreme Court Chief Justice S.M. Sikri.
The Tribune, New Delhi, Aug. 9, 2005
Since the 1984 anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, in which over 3,000 persons were killed, the government had appointed 10 commissions and committees to inquire into the incident. However, the victims claim that none of those who perpetrated the crime and instigated the mob have been punished. Here is a chronology of different committees and commissions, which the government has set up from time to time and their results. 1. The Marwah Commission was appointed in November 1984. Ved Marwah, Additional Commissioner of Police, was assigned the job of enquiring into the role of the police during the carnage of November 1984. Mr. Marwah almost completed his inquiry towards the middle of 1985 when he was directed by the Central Government not to proceed further as the Misra Commission had been appointed by then. Complete records of the Marwah Commission were taken over by the government and were later transferred to the Misra Commission. However, the most important part of the record, namely the handwritten notes of Mr. Marwah, which contained important information, were not transferred to the Misra Commission. 2. The Misra Commission of Enquiry was appointed in May 1985. Justice Ranganath Misra, was a sitting judge of the Supreme Court of India. Justice Misra submitted his report in August 1986 and the report was made public six months thereafter in February 1987. In his report, Justice Misra stated that it was not part of his terms of reference to identify any person and recommended the formation of three committees. There was only one term of reference to this commission, i.e. whether the violence was organised. 3. The Kapur Mittal Committee was appointed in February 1987 on the recommendation of the Misra Commission to inquire into the role of the police, which the Marwah Commission had almost completed in 1985 itself, when the government asked that committee to wind up and not proceed further. After almost two years, this committee was appointed for the same purpose. This committee consisted of Justice Dalip Kapur and Mrs. Kusum Mittal, retired Secretary of U.P. It submitted its report in 1990. Seventy-two police officers were identified for their connivance or gross negligence. The committee recommended forthwith dismissal of 30 police officers out of 72. However, till date, not a single police officer has been awarded any kind of punishment. 4. The Jain Banerjee Committee was recommended by the Misra Commission for recommending registrations of cases. It consisted of Justice M.L. Jain, former Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr. A.K. Banerjee, retired I.G.P. The Misra Commission held in its report that a large number of cases had not been registered and wherever the victims named political leaders or police officers, cases were not registered against them. This committee recommended registration of cases against Mr. Sajjan Kumar in August 1987, but no case was registered. In November 1987 many press reports appeared for not registering cases in spite of the recommendation of the committee. In December 1987, one of the co-accused along with Sajjan Kumar, namely Mr. Brahmanand Gupta filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court and obtained a stay against this committee. The government did not oppose the stay. The Citizens Justice Committee filed an application for vacating the stay. Ultimately, the writ petition was decided in August 1989 and the high court quashed the appointment of this committee. An appeal was filed by the Citizens Justice Committee in the Supreme Court. 5. The Potti Rosha Committee was appointed in March 1990 as a successor to the Jain Banerjee Committee. This committee also recommended registration of cases against Sajjan Kumar. 6. The Jain Aggarwal Committee was appointed in December 1990 as a successor to the Potti Rosha Committee. It consisted of Justice J.D. Jain, retired Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr. D.K. Aggarwal, retired D.G.P. of U.P. This committee recommended registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar, Dharamdas Shastri and Jagdish Tytler. This committee was wound up in August 1993. However, the cases recommended by this committee were not even registered by the police. 7. The Ahuja Committee was the third committee recommended by the Misra Commission to ascertain the total number of killings in Delhi. This committee submitted its report in August 1987 and gave a figure of 2,733 as the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi alone. 8. The Dhillon Committee headed by Mr. Gurdial Singh Dhillon was appointed in 1985 to recommend measures for the rehabilitation of the victims. This committee submitted its report by the end of 1985. One of the major recommendations of this committee was that the business establishments that had insurance cover but whose insurance claims were not settled by insurance companies on the technical ground that riot was not covered under insurance should be paid compensation under the directions of the government. This committee recommended that since all insurance companies were nationalised they be directed to pay the claims. However, the government did not accept this recommendation and, as a result, insurance claims were rejected by all insurance companies throughout the country. 9. The Narula Committee was appointed in December 1993 by the Madan Lal Khurana government in Delhi. This committee submitted its report in January 1994 and recommended registration of cases against Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. 10. The Nanavati Commission was appointed by a unanimous resolution passed in the Rajya Sabha. This commission was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The commission submitted its report in February 2004. The report said there was 'credible evidence' against the now Union Minister Jagdish Tytler that he 'very probably' had a hand in organising attacks on Sikhs and recommended to the government to take further action as may be found necessary. The A.T.R. [Action Taken Report, prepared by the Congress government in response to the Nanavati report], while exonerating Mr. Tytler, said, 'a person cannot be prosecuted simply on the basis of probabilities.'

2005/08/10: A Massacre Is a Massacre

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_081005a.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: A Massacre Is a Massacre By VIR SANGHVI The Hindustan Times, Aug. 10, 2005
When is a riot not a riot? When is a massacre not a massacre? When is a mass murderer not a mass murderer? And when is public outrage to be muted - if not entirely suspended? When the Congress is the culprit. And when the victims are Sikhs. That, at least, seems to be the attitude of much of our so-called secular establishment. The publication of the Nanavati report into the 1984 Delhi riots should have served to remind us of the horrors of that bloody week. It should have led us to recall how completely the administration failed and how innocent Sikhs were murdered in front of their own children. Instead, the secular response to the report has been curiously low-key. It was a long time ago, we are told. What is the point in raking up old memories? Justice Nanavati doesn't conclusively blame anybody anyway, does he? And anyway, all secularists must unite to fight Hindu fundamentalism, so let's not get sidetracked by an old riot. There is something sad and shameful about these responses. Listening to them yesterday, I had some sense of why secularism has fallen into such disrepute. It has become a flag of convenience for anybody who wants to oppose the B.J.P. And we have forgotten that all communal violence - no matter who it is directed against - is equally bad. It wasn't always like this. Those of you with long memories will remember the horror with which most educated people reacted to the riots in 1984. Then, they became a Great Secular Issue in much the same way that the Gujarat riots later became a defining issue for a new generation of politicians. Certainly, it was impossible not to be outraged by the massacres. They took place in the immediate aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the early violence was spontaneous, sparked off by public anger against Sikhs and by simmering Hindu resentment at the Punjab violence. Then, somebody spread a rumour that Sikhs were distributing sweets to celebrate Mrs. Gandhi's death. Even though there was no substantiation to this story, small-time local Congress leaders gathered their followers and went in search of Sikh homes to burn. What happened next is the subject of some dispute. Eyewitnesses claim that they saw senior Congress leaders - Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar, H.K.L. Bhagat and Dharamdas Shastri - either leading the mobs or organising the violence. Naturally, the leaders have since declared their innocence, but there is little doubt that some of their followers were involved. It did not help that the police force failed. The Delhi Police disappeared from the streets of the capital and Sikhs were denied the protection they needed to save their lives. The administration delayed calling in the army and, in the interim, hundreds of poor Sikhs living in the resettlement colonies on the other side of the Yamuna were murdered. In a pattern that would be repeated in Gujarat nearly two decades later, the mobs resorted to extreme cruelty: fathers were killed in front of their daughters, women were raped in full public view and, in some cases, thugs drove electric drills into the heads of defenceless Sikhs. By the time the riot was over - actually, I don't know why we call it a riot, it was a massacre - three things were clear. One: the Congress was involved. Two: the police and the administration did nothing to protect the Sikhs. And three: there was an unforgivable delay in calling in the military. The dispute was over other issues. What was the level of Congress involvement? Were people like Bhagat and Tytler really involved? Did the policemen run away because they were scared? Or was it because they did not want to act against workers of the party that was in power? And why did it take so long to restore order? Was it because the government was in a state of chaos following Mrs. Gandhi's assassination? Or was there a more sinister design? Was it true that Arun Nehru, the Congress strong man of that era, had said, 'Let Delhi burn for three days?' Had Rajiv Gandhi's administration allowed the massacres to go on because they tapped into a vote-rich Hindu backlash? Over two decades and many commissions of inquiry later, we have some answers. Yes, senior Congress leaders were involved. There may not be enough evidence to prosecute Tytler, but Justice Nanavati suggests that he played some role. About Bhagat, the report is vague: no purpose is served in investigating him further because of his advanced age and declining health. Sajjan Kumar and Dharamdas Shastri seem to have had some involvement. On the more substantive issue of whether the administration allowed Delhi to burn, all the commissions have been unanimous: yes, it did, but this was because of incompetence and negligence, not because of any sinister design. If there is a parallel, it is with the 1993 Bombay riots rather than with Gujarat. In Bombay too, the police failed to protect Muslims. And the local administration failed to ask the army to restore order till it was much too late. Then too, there were political workers involved - except that they belonged to the Shiv Sena which was in opposition, and not to the ruling Congress. I suppose it offers secularists some comfort that the riots in two of India's greatest cities - Delhi in 1984 and Bombay in 1993 - were not engineered by Congress governments. But this is little comfort to the victims and their families. We elect governments to protect us and when they fail to do so, it is hardly reassuring to be told, 'At least they didn't set out to murder you.' Besides, the distinction between a party and its government is not always clear. We accept now that the central government did not intend Delhi to burn in 1984 and that it did not ask the police to let Sikhs be murdered. But nevertheless, there is no denying the Congress's role in the massacres. Even if Rajiv Gandhi and his aides did not want the violence to spiral out of control, and even if the failure to protect the Sikhs was due to the government's state of paralysis following Mrs. Gandhi's assassination, it was still local Congress leaders who led the mobs, who committed the murders. And if Justice Nanavati is to be believed, it wasn't just local leaders; some national figures were also involved. In the Eighties, nobody was afraid of saying this. But Indian politics has now become so polarised between the so-called forces of secularism (i.e. the Congress and the Left) and the so-called communal elements (the Sangh parivar), that every event is now reassessed through the prism of this polarisation. So Congress supporters and communists are willing to forget the horrors of 1984 lest they weaken the secular case against Narendra Modi and the mass murderers of Gujarat. But the truth is that a murderer is a murderer. A massacre is a massacre. A victim is a victim - regardless of whether he is Hindu, Sikh or Muslim. When somebody comes to kill you, it does not matter whether he does so in the name of Hindu fundamentalism or Congress extremism. If we forget the murders of 1984 and allow those who committed them to get away with it, then we lose the moral right to criticise Narendra Modi or to ever speak out against communal violence. It saddens me that the secular establishment has forgotten basic morality. Its failure to stand up for the victims of the 1984 massacres shames us all.

2005/08/12: No Longer In Denial

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_081205a.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: No Longer In Denial EDITORIAL The Indian Express, Aug. 12, 2005
Is our history of abdicating responsibility for riots finally coming to an end? Jagdish Tytler's resignation - albeit a reluctant one - has set some new benchmarks for the pursuit of justice in Indian democracy. We are now sending a strong signal that politicians who appear to be complicit in riots will have to pay the political price. It is also not insignificant that the Congress has acted upon some of recommendations of the Nanavati Commission. While many parties, including the Left, have expressed some doubts over the Commission's findings, the Congress was at least responsible enough not to impugn the Commission simply because it was appointed by the N.D.A. government. Cynics might argue that this was largely due to the fact that the highest echelons of the Congress leadership had been exonerated by the Commission. But this should not detract from the fact that the Commission's findings are being respected and acted upon; that the Commission is not itself being targeted for partisan reasons. No one should be under any illusions that the events of the last few days come anywhere near bringing a substantial measure of justice to the victims of the anti-Sikh carnage. The cases originally filed against alleged perpetrators produced few convictions. And even with brand new investigations the passage of time and the deteriorating quality of evidence will make securing legal justice an enormous challenge. The government should ensure that it now does the best it can to ensure these cases are investigated and prosecuted properly. But, in the meantime, assigning some measure of political responsibility for those events is at least a beginning. Unfortunately, even small political steps are missing when it comes to other riots. A number of reports of other commissions still await action. The Srikrishna Commission Report, to take one example, has still not elicited a proper response from successive governments. So many riot victims in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bhagalpur - to name a few prominent instances - still await justice in any form: legal, political or moral. Will the tide finally turn? Will we finally get over the history of denials, partisan politics and abdication of responsibility that mark our attitudes towards riots? Our task is to ensure that Jagdish Tytler's resignation is not just an anomaly in the struggle for political justice.

2005/08/13: Need More Than an Apology

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_081305a.html

1984 Sikh Massacres: Need More Than an Apology EDITORIAL The Times of India, Aug. 13, 2005
The prime minister has done the right thing by apologising to the nation in Parliament for the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. His well-crafted speech was rich in emotion and promise. He now needs to deliver on his promise of justice to victims of the riots if the emotion is not to be construed as a hollow political tactic. The Congress needs to walk the extra mile to enable Manmohan Singh in his endeavour. This 'search for truth' has to be not just the prime minister's but of the entire political spectrum. The nation needs apologies, and much more, if the scars of the riots are to heal. There are enough reasons for sceptics to worry if the sentiments expressed by the Congress leadership in the last few days go beyond addressing the immediate political moment. The A.T.R. [Action Taken Report] on the Nanavati commission's report approved by the Union cabinet and submitted in Parliament had glossed over most of Justice Nanavati's remarks. The moral outrage in the media and the threat of U.P.A. allies to vote against the government pressurised the Congress to look at the commission's report anew. The party had begun rethinking its position on the '84 riots in the 90s itself. Sonia Gandhi's apology to the Sikhs went a long way in bridging the gap between the Congress and the community. But the sentiment was hardly reflected in the party's preference for politicians like Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar who were indicted by victims as instigators of violence. The A.T.R. prepared by the home ministry only raised doubts about the government's commitment to justice. The challenge before Manmohan is enormous. Free India's history is a history of failed promises. Riot after riot has challenged the idea of a secular and democratic India. Institutions meant to protect constitutional guarantees of political and social freedoms have been trampled upon repeatedly by the mainstream political class. Delhi '84 and Gujarat '02 are evidences of the collapse of the state. Such memories erode the belief of the people in the Indian state and democracy. Justice to the victims of the anti-Sikh riots can go a long way to restore the confidence of the people not just in the state but in the political class as well. Which is why Manmohan can't afford to fail. Commitment to justice has to be a fundamental character of Indian democracy.

2005/08/22: Nanavati Report Victory to the Mob By KHUSHWANT SINGH

http://www.sikhtimes.com/news_082205a.html
1984 Sikh Massacres: Victory to the Mob By KHUSHWANT SINGH Outlook, Aug. 22, 2005

The Nanavati report is utter garbage. All the killers are roaming freely. I have only two words for Justice G.T. Nanavati's inquiry report on the butchery of Sikhs 21 years ago: utter garbage. I have the report in hand, all 349 pages, plus the Action Taken Report [A.T.R.] presented by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's government in Parliament on August 8. I thought it would take a whole day or two to go through it. It took only a couple of hours because it is largely based on what transpired in zones of different police stations and long lists of names which meant nothing to me. There are broad hints about the involvement of Congress leaders like H.K.L. Bhagat, Jagdish Tytler, Dharam Dass Shastri and Sajjan Kumar. He gives them the benefit of the doubt and suggests yet another inquiry commission to look into the charges against them. Yet another commission? For God's sake, is he serious? To say the least, I was deeply disappointed with the whole thing. But the game of shirking responsibility was to attain higher levels! First, the government took its own sweet time to put the report on the table of the House, waiting till the last day allotted to it for doing so. Union home minister Shivraj Patil had assured the House when the report had been submitted to him six months ago that the government had nothing to hide. However, he hid it till he could hide it no more. That shows the government's mala fide intent in the whole business. Even the Action Taken Report makes sorry reading. Most of it is aimed at the policemen now retired from service and hence no longer liable for disciplinary action. Any wonder why, despite monetary compensation, the sense of outrage among families of victims has not diminished by the passage of years? About 21 years ago, northern India down to Karnataka witnessed a bloodbath the likes of which the country had not experienced since Independence nor after. In Delhi, over 3,000 Sikhs were murdered, their wives and daughters gangraped, their properties looted, 72 gurudwaras burnt down. The all-India total of casualties was close to 10,000, the loss of property over thousands of crores. What triggered off the holocaust was the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. On the morning of October 31, 1984, she was assassinated by two of her Sikh security guards. As the news of her death spread, rampaging mobs of Hindus shouting khoon ka badla khoon se lenge (we will avenge blood with blood), armed with cans of petrol, matchboxes and lathis set upon Sikhs they met on the roads - easily identifiable because of their distinct appearance - and set them on fire. Sikh-owned shops and homes were attacked and looted. Most of this mayhem and murder took place in Congress-ruled states. Word had gone round, 'Teach the Sikhs a lesson;' the police was instructed not to intervene. It was then people realised how much ill-will Sikhs had earned because of the hate-filled utterances of Bhindranwale against Hindus and the years of killings carried out by his hoodlums in Punjab. No Sikh leader, neither Congress nor Akali, had raised his voice in protest. Consequently, when Mrs. Gandhi ordered the army to enter the Golden Temple to get Bhindranwale dead or alive, no Hindu condemned the action as unwarranted. Sikhs were deeply hurt by Operation Blue Star and ultimately two of them decided to murder Mrs. Gandhi. What followed was largely condoned by Hindus and the Hindu-owned media. Girilal Jain, editor of The Times of India, wrote that Sikhs should have been aware of what lay in store for them. N.C. Menon, editor of The Hindustan Times, wrote that they had 'clawed their way to prosperity' and deserved what they got. There were few people left to share their pain. It must be acknowledged that some leaders of the Sangh parivar and the R.S.S., including A.B. Vajpayee, went out of their way to help the Sikhs. So did men like Ram Jethmalani, Soli Sorabjee and a few others. Rajiv Gandhi, who flew in from Calcutta with his cousin and confidant Arun Nehru, was quickly sworn in as prime minister by Zail Singh without consulting other ministers or chief ministers of states. Rajiv was busy receiving foreign dignitaries coming to attend his mother's funeral. Days later, in his first public speech, he exonerated the murderers: 'When a big tree falls, the earth beneath it is bound to shake.' He meant to take no action in the matter and retained men named as leaders of mobs in his cabinet. Home minister Narasimha Rao did not stir out of his house. When a few eminent Sikhs approached him, he listened to them in studied silence. He remained, as he always was, the paradigm of masterly inactivity. With the three men at the top refusing to do their duty, little could be expected from the Lt. Governor of Delhi or the police commissioner. Section 144 of the I.P.C. [Indian Penal Code], forbidding gatherings of more than five people, was not promulgated or enforced; no curfew was imposed, no shoot-at-sight order given. A unit of the army was brought in from Meerut but when it was discovered that they were Sikhs, it was ordered to stay in the cantonment and not meddle with the civic unrest. The only word I could think of using for the way the authorities carried out its duties? Downright disgusting. It was like spitting in the face of all democratic institutions. However, there were citizens' organisations which refused to allow a crime of this magnitude to go uninvestigated and unpunished. Leading them were Dr. Rajni Kothari and Justice (retired) V.M. Tarkunde. Kothari's report, Who Are the Guilty?, named men like H.K.L. Bhagat, Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar, Dharam Dass Shastri - all M.P.s and leaders of the Delhi municipality amongst leaders of goonda [hoodlum] gangs. None of those named took these men or organisations to court for criminal libel. When Jagdish Tytler claimed that none of the commissions of inquiry implicated him in the anti-Sikh violence, he was lying. You can see it in the smirk on his satanic face. Only sarkari [governmental] commissions let him off the hook. More important than Kothari and Tarkunde's findings were those of the non-official commission of inquiry set up under retired chief justice of the Supreme Court, S.M. Sikri. Comprising retired ambassadors, governors and senior civil servants (none of them a Sikh), the commission castigated the government in no uncertain terms. The government could not ignore its verdict. Ultimately, Rajiv Gandhi took the Sikh problem in his own hands. He appointed Arjun Singh governor of Punjab to make contacts with Akali leaders in jails. They were released in small batches to create a favourable atmosphere. Secret negotiations with Sant Harchand Singh Longowal were started. Zail Singh, Buta Singh and others were kept in the dark. On July 24, 1985, the Rajiv-Longowal Accord was signed. Amongst other items, it provided for an inquiry commission into the incidents of violence of November 1984. Justice Ranganath Mishra of the Supreme Court was appointed as a one-man commission. 'Operation Whitewash' had begun. Before Mishra was half-way through, the panel of lawyers representing victims of the holocaust led by Soli Sorabjee expressed its lack of confidence in the learned judge's impartiality and withdrew from the commission. Mishra went ahead and submitted his findings to the government. As expected, he held the Lt. Governor and the police commissioner of Delhi guilty of dereliction of duty. It must have occurred to him that neither of the two could have acted the way they did without the instructions of higher-ups, including the prime minister or someone acting on his behalf or the home minister. I doubt if Mishra can look at his own face in a mirror. I don't think Rajiv Gandhi was himself a party to the anti-Sikh pogrom. If he was guilty of anything, it was allowing it to go on for two days and nights till his mother's funeral was over. Behind it all was his eminence grise who sent out the message: 'Teach the Sikhs a lesson.' No commission of inquiry, official or non-official, has looked into the role of this sinister character, although he is still very much alive and around in Delhi's political circuit. Nor, unfortunately, can I look into it at this stage. After the Mishra Commission, nine others were instituted by the government. Their terms of reference were restricted. Nothing much came out of their findings as most of them focused on the shortcomings of the Delhi police in handling the crisis. Resentment against the government continued to simmer. Ultimately, in May 2000, the government set up yet another commission of inquiry under Justice G.T. Nanavati. He was to submit his report in six months. At the leisurely pace he heard evidence tendered, it took him five years to do so. I did not expect very much from him. But H.S. Phoolka, who had taken charge of presenting victims' grievances, persuaded me to file an affidavit and appear before him. I did so, but the way the inquiry commission functioned didn't inspire much confidence. It was less like a court dealing with criminal charges and more like a tea party with lawyers on both sides exchanging pleasantries. I told the commission what I had seen with my own eyes taking place around where I live: burning of Sikh-owned taxi cabs and the desecration of a gurudwara behind my flat, looting of Sikh-owned shops in Khan Market - all in full view of dozens of policemen armed with lathis lined along the road but doing nothing. I also told him of my futile attempts to get President Zail Singh on the phone. There is no doubt about it: the November 1984 anti-Sikh violence will remain a blot on the face of our country for times to come. No one will take the findings of these sarkari commissions of inquiry seriously. It will be left to historians to chronicle events that led to this tragedy and the miscarriage of justice that followed. A few salutary lessons that the experience has taught us should be kept in mind by our leaders.The most important is to understand that crimes unpunished breed criminals.Another equally important thing to bear in mind is that the State must never abdicate its monopoly of punishing criminals, if it overlooks its duty or delays dispensing justice beyond limits of endurance, it encourages aggrieved parties to take the law in their own hands and settle scores with those who wronged them.If we do not learn these lessons now, we will have more holocausts in the years to come.

2005/09/02: Yet Another Panel for Victims

The Indian Express, New Delhi, Sep. 2, 2005

The Delhi Minorities Commission (D.M.C.) has decided to set up a 15-member committee of lawyers and eminent citizens to help riot victims claim relief from the Centre. This decision comes in the wake of the Central Government's decision to provide help to 1984 victims. Commission Chairman, Prof. Abu Baker said the Minorities Commission would be headed by Advocate K.T.S. Tulsi, who fought the Uphaar case on behalf of the fire victims. 'We would provide free legal assistance to victims to fight their case in courts. Our motive is to help victims who are poor and ignorant,' says Baker. 'We will teach them to fill up forms and fight for themselves.' The facilitative committee would begin operations by organising camps in various Sikh settlement areas in Delhi. The first contact with victims would be at these camps, Baker said. Many law students have opted to volunteer in the committee, he said. The commission is now planning to approach the Central and State governments and offer its services as a nodal agency for disbursement of relief to victims.

Wednesday, October 04, 2006

2005/08/10: Hindu.com: Nanavati Commission findings on Police

http://www.hindu.com/2005/08/10/stories/2005081004771200.htm

Army deployment took time during 1984 riots
Vinay Kumar
Attacks were made without much fear of the police: Nanavati Commission report

NEW DELHI: The Nanavati Commission, which probed the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, came across evidence to show that on October 31, 1984 either meetings were held or the persons who could organise attacks were contacted and given instructions to kill Sikhs and loot their houses and shops.
"The attacks were made in a systematic manner and without much fear of the police; almost suggesting that they were assured that they would not be harmed while committing those acts and even thereafter," the Commission said in its report tabled in Parliament on Monday. From November 1, 1984, another `cause of exploitation of the situation' had joined the initial `cause of anger.' The exploitation of the situation was by anti-social elements who saw an opportunity of looting things without the fear of being punished.
"The criminals got an opportunity to show their might and increase their hold. The exploitation of the situation was also by the local political leaders for their political and personal gains like increasing the clout by showing their importance, popularity, and hold over the masses. Lack of the fear of the police force was also one of the causes for the happening of so many incidents within those 3 or 4 days. If the police had taken prompt and effective steps, many lives would not have been lost and so many properties would not have been looted, destroyed or burnt," it said.
If this was how the Commission described the situation on the ground, there is another key question of how the high-ups took time to decide on calling the Army for assistance of the local authorities to restore law and order when Delhi streets were ruled by criminals, anti-social elements.
Evidence given before the Commission by Major-General (Retd) J.S. Jamwal, then General Officer Commanding of Delhi area, the affidavit of Brigadier A.S. Brar, then Commandant of Rajputana Rifles Regimental Centre in Delhi, depositions of P.V. Narasimha Rao, then Home Minister, S.C. Tandon, then Delhi Police Commissioner, and P.G. Gavai, then Lt-Governor of Delhi, show the way decision was taken to requisition services of the Army.
Mr. Tandon told the Commission that he met Lt-Governor and Major-General Jamwal on November 1, 1984. Maj. Gen. Jamwal informed him that he did not have enough units and he would be able to cover only two contiguous districts. On his suggestion, Maj. Gen. Jamwal agreed to deploy one in Central district and one in South district. According to him, he had not received any instruction from the Home Minister either on October 31 or till the evening of November 1, 1984.
The then Lt-Governor, Mr. Gavai, attended a meeting with the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and senior Congress leader M.L. Fotedar at 6 p.m. on November 1, 1984. On November 2, he spoke to General A.S. Vaidya about some sluggishness of the armed forces in getting out of their vehicles. That very day he was told by Dr. P.C. Alexander, then Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, to proceed on leave. The next day Mr. Gavai had left Delhi.
In his reply, Dr. Alexander told the Commission that he had not received any proposal from the Lt-Governor about calling out the Army. According to him, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was very unhappy at the way the Delhi Administration was handling the situation of violence and the riots in the city. He told the Commission that the Prime Minister took the decision of calling out the Army at 1.30 p.m. on November 1, 1984. However, the Army Chief was already alerted both by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Secretary to keep the army contingents in readiness.
The then Home Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, told the Commission that the Home Minister was not competent to call out the troops. From where the troops should be called out is a decision within the exclusive domain of the Army Chief under the Ministry of Defence. In the Commission's view there was no delay or indifference at the level of the Home Minister.

2002/05/01: COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY

http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1901/19010810.htm

Crime and connivance
As the G.T. Nanavati Commission of Inquiry proceeds with its investigation of the 1984 riots in Delhi in the wake of Indira Gandhi's assassination, more and more tales of complicity and connivance on the part of the police force come to light.
NAUNIDHI KAUR
STARTLING evidence of the complicity of the police in the 1984 riots in Delhi has been brought to light by the G.T. Nanavati Commission of Inquiry, which is now halfway through its investigation. The Commission, which has covered the three police districts of Delhi - New Delhi and Central and East Delhi - was appointed by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government on May 10, 2000, to look into the causes of the violence and the manner in which it occurred. Its terms of reference include fixing of responsibility for the dereliction of duty by the state authorities. The depositions made before the Commission reveal that while the majority of the police personnel tacitly supported the rioters, a section of them actively participated in the rioting.
One of the few Sikhs who ventured out onto Delhi's streets shortly after the violence that erupted between Indira Gandhi's assassination and funeral in 1984. About 1,500 people, most of them poor and semi-skilled male Sikhs, were killed in the riots.
The police have been accused by the then general secretary of the Akali Dal's youth wing, Kuldip Singh Bhogal, of participation in the riots. In testimony before the Commission, Bhogal said that policemen from the Madhuban Training Centre near Karnal in Haryana were sent to Delhi to create chaos. He said that on November 2, 1984, a mob armed with lathis and iron rods ran riot in the Ashram area of Delhi. He along with some other Sikhs caught one of rioters, who was later identified as a policeman.
Bhogal said: "A Haryana police identity card was recovered from him, which was a clear indication and evidence that the mob to which he belonged consisted of members of (the) Madhuban Training Centre near Karnal and (that) they were sent to Delhi to create chaos, lawlessness and destruction."
Other witnesses said the police not only did not make any effort to control the mobs but actively instigated them to loot property, all the while not allowing Sikhs to come out of their houses to protect themselves. Ishar Kaur, a witness, said that the police did not allow her family to take their truck to the gurdwara while mobs were targeting the property of Sikhs. She said: "When we were bringing the truck to the gurdwara, the police stopped us by bringing their jeep in front of us and asked us to take the vehicle back."
Riot victims cite the case of Station House Officer (SHO) Shoor Veer Singh Tyagi to point out the fact that some officials have easily escaped punishment. Tyagi was the SHO of Kalyanpuri in 1984. Some of the worst cases of arson, looting and slaughter occurred in Kalyanpuri, just 12 km from the police headquarters. On the night of November 1, 1984, more than 200 people died there. The final death roll, mostly constituting poor and semi-skilled male Sikhs, was 1,500.
Rahul Bedi, who was then a reporter with Indian Express, said in his deposition that 300 yards (some 270 metres) away from Block 32 of Trilokpuri (which is a section of Kalyanpuri) he found the path blocked by a mob several hundreds strong. He added: "Before we could reach them, two policemen, one a head constable and the other a constable, riding a motorcycle, burst through the crowd coming from the direction of Block 32 and headed towards us. I flagged the motorcycle to a halt and asked the head constable driving it whether any killings had taken place in Block 32. The policeman said that there was shanti (peace) in Block 32. On further probing he admitted that two people had been killed." Bedi said that after that he was confronted by a mob that asked him to either leave or face the consequences of staying on. He then went to the Kalyanpuri police station and asked the duty officer and the sub-inspector there whether there was any trouble in Kalyanpuri. Both of them said that the situation was calm.
Rahul Bedi said: "A parked truck nearby attracted our attention and on closer inspection we found the back of the vehicle littered with three bodies, charred beyond recognition, and a half-charred, barely alive Sikh youth lying atop them. In his quasi-consciousness, the man told us that he was from Punjab and had come visiting relatives in Trilokpuri. In the early hours of the same morning, a rampaging mob, he said, had killed his hosts and set him alight after pouring kerosene oil on his body. He had been brought to the police station around 11 a.m., around four hours before we spoke to him. He had lain there ever since."
When Bedi questioned the police personnel at the station they denied any knowledge of the incidents and said that such matters were the responsibility of the SHO, who was away and would return only in the evening. Looking for information, Bedi reached the police headquarters and met Acting Police Commissioner Nikhil Kumar, who asserted that he would not be able to do anything more than inform the police control room as he was a "mere guest artist". After this, according to testimony, Bedi went back to Trilokpuri where he met Shoor Veer Singh, who then went to Block 32 with him. Describing the apathy of the police, Bedi recounted in his deposition: "Shoor Veer Singh, walking over the sea of hundreds of charred and mutilated bodies in Block 32, told me 'the Mussalmans are responsible for this'."
THE Carnage Justice Committee (CJC) set up for the riot victims cites Tyagi's case as an example of how easy it was for some police officials to escape punishment. The members of the CJC quote the landmark judgment of the Additional Sessions Judge, Delhi, Justice S.N. Dhingra. In his judgment Justice Dhingra said: "The then SHO Shoor Veer Singh Tyagi showed his shoorvirta by getting the innocent persons killed. His successor Satvir Singh Rathi showed his 'love for truth' by suppressing the truth and eliminating whatever possible evidence against the culprits that could be eliminated. Other police officials of Kalyanpuri faithfully followed their instructions for not taking any action." The judgment further said that Tyagi's investigation was a farce. It concluded that Tyagi and Rathi could not have acted in that manner unless they had instructions from their superiors.
"Nothing came out of this historic judgment as the Commissioner of Police did not sanction the use of Section 197 of the CrPC (Code of Criminal Procedure) against Tyagi. This was necessary for Tyagi's prosecution. As a result he was discharged by the court and continues to be part of the Delhi Police," said senior advocate H.S. Phoolka, who represents the CJC. "The response of the Delhi police in Tyagi's case exemplifies the shoddy treatment given to the riot victims by the police force," said advocate R.S. Chatwal, also of the CJC.
Tyagi's alleged role in abetting the killings in Trilokpuri has been examined by various government committees, including the Kapoor Mittal Committee which was set up to investigate acts of commission and omission by police officers. One member of this committee, Kusum Lata Mittal, indicted in 1988 as many as 72 officials under specific charges. (One member of the committee dropped out midway, leaving Kusum Lata Mittal to complete the job.) However, successive governments have shown no interest in following up on these proceedings.
In Tyagi's case, Kusum Lata Mittal's report states that "it was clear that the police staff of the Kalyanpuri police station had itself become a part of the mobs indulging in killings". It took note of the fact that while a carnage was going on in Tyagi's own district, he was ordered by his DCP to proceed to the adjoining police district, which was not under his jurisdiction. On the basis of this fact the committee said that it seemed probable that senior officials of the police did not want to intervene in the killings and hence claimed that they were unaware of the incidents and kept themselves away.
Specific patterns of police participation in the 1984 riots can be traced on the basis of depositions made before the Commission. Whenever Sikhs attempted self-defence, policemen disarmed and arrested them. This was clear from what happened at Motia Khan gurdwara in Central Delhi. The police said that two Sikhs fired from inside the gurdwara at a mob on November 1, 1984. The then Police Commissioner, S.C. Tandon, reached the spot with two battalions of police and arrested both the Sikhs under Section 307 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which held them accountable for attempt to murder, although nobody from the mob was injured. The SHO of the area said in his deposition before the Commission that only four out of the 4,000 rioters had been arrested.
Most of the police officials who have been cross-examined have cited staff shortage as the reason for not reaching the sites of violence in time. The strength of the police force in Delhi at the time of the riots was 22,000 constables, 3,000 head constables, 1,400 inspectors and sub-inspectors, and some 242 higher officers, including the Police Commissioner. While it is widely recognised that the force as a whole was inadequate in size to service the needs of a densely populated and growing city, it was not so thinly distributed in 1984 that it could not have acted more positively than it did. The city was divided into five police districts and had 63 police stations and 25 police posts. The population of Delhi in 1984 was roughly 6.5 million, and there was one policeman for roughly 200 people. This was a sufficient number to stop the killings, as the police officials who appeared before the Commission admitted that they could disperse crowds by stern warnings or by shots fired in the air.
Deposing before the Commission, Assistant Commissioner of Police from the New Delhi range, Ranbeer Singh, said: "While I was passing through Bank Street I found that three or four Sikh families who were staying there were under heavy attack. They had gone to the topmost floor of the houses. The mob was throwing stones at them and they were also throwing stones at the mob. The mob consisted of about 2,000-3,000 persons. I told the mob to disperse but it did not listen. Therefore I ordered constable Anand Singh to fire two shots in the air. The crowd thereafter dispersed."
The participation of the Delhi Police in the riots has been discussed at length by the Ranganath Misra Commission, which tabled its report in Parliament in February 1987. The Misra Commission said that "when the incidents started taking place the police remained passive, leading to generation of the feeling that if the Sikhs were harassed no action would be taken, and the situation deteriorated further". It also noted that "it was not proper on the part of the police to withdraw the licensed firearms from some people belonging to the group which was being exposed and thus expose the weaker groups to great risk at the hands of the rioters." It stated that there were several instances when policemen in uniform were found marching behind or mingling with the crowd. Since they did not make any attempt to stop the mob, an inference has been drawn that they were part of it.
Regarding property that was looted, it said that "possession of identified stolen property constitutes good evidence for the offence punishable under Sections 411 and 412 IPC and provides a presumptive link for the offence. During the riots, the police, instead of following this known method, adopted a novel one of inviting the culprits to pile up the stolen articles in the open, near the houses from where the removal had been made. By this process the best evidence linking the accused with the offence vanished".
The Misra Commission recommended that the Delhi administration investigate the conduct of the delinquent police officers. It also recalled that the inquiry by V.P. Marwah, launched by the Delhi administration to identify incidents of severe failure to act and negligence by police officials, had been derailed by high-ranking officers in charge of South and East Delhi.
However, nothing has come out of the recommendations of the Misra Commission. Even less came out of the recommendations of the Kapoor Mittal Committee report, a comprehensive 400-page document, which went into the conduct of the personnel of all the police stations in Delhi, the Delhi Railway Police and the Delhi Armed Police in a detailed manner. However, 17 years after the riots, the role played by the political actors and officials of the state is still under debate.